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									Archive through May 24, 1999 - Kosovo War				            </title>
            <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/</link>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/3/#post-4040</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 15:36:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[THE NEW YORK TIMES  May 23, 1999  THE ADVOCATE  In Climate of Fear, a Belgrade Serb Documents the Horror of Kosovo  By CARLOTTA GALL  BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- Much of the time in Belgrade, it...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[THE NEW YORK TIMES <BR> <BR>May 23, 1999 <BR> <BR>THE ADVOCATE <BR> <BR>In Climate of Fear, a Belgrade Serb Documents the Horror of Kosovo <BR> <BR>By CARLOTTA GALL <BR> <BR>BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- Much of the time in Belgrade, it feels <BR>as if nothing is happening in Kosovo. People complain <BR>endlessly about the NATO bombing, and they talk politics all <BR>day, but there is a large hole in the conversation. Barely anyone <BR>mentions Kosovo, let alone the horrors that are occurring there. <BR> <BR>Natasa Kandic is one rare exception. She is a slight woman, with <BR>dark circles etched under her eyes behind glasses. A sociologist by <BR>profession, she heads the Humanitarian Law Center, a <BR>nongovernmental group that has been documenting human rights <BR>violations in Yugoslavia since 1992, and supplies material to the <BR>international war crimes tribunal in the Hague. <BR> <BR>As the political climate and restrictions on news media here have <BR>made it impossible to publish material about human rights <BR>violations, Ms. Kandic has resorted to writing and E-mailing a <BR>newsletter to friends and news and human rights organizations. <BR> <BR>"Intellectual society has changed here," she said, sitting calmly in <BR>her modern offices in Belgrade drinking a mug of coffee. "People <BR>saw only the bombs here, without thinking what is happening in <BR>Kosovo and who is the person organizing it." <BR> <BR>She is one of the few Serbian intellectuals to have maintained close <BR>collaboration with ethnic Albanians on human rights issues and last <BR>year won a prize for her work on democracy and civil society, <BR>awarded by the United States and the European Union. <BR> <BR>She attributes the fact that she is practically alone in her research <BR>on Kosovo to the climate of fear that has paralyzed the intellectual <BR>community in Serbia, and the success of the state propaganda. <BR> <BR>Human rights and civic groups have always been allowed to operate <BR>in Serbia, tolerated by the Government while they have remained <BR>small. "But for the first time people feel fear," Ms. Kandic said. <BR> <BR>In recent weeks, she said, several hundred people in Serbia, <BR>including a number of her own employees, have been invited by the <BR>police for an "informal talk." They were questioned about their work <BR>for the tribunal at the Hague, and about other organizations and <BR>intellectuals. <BR> <BR>Several people have received anonymous letters full of abuse and <BR>threats. A swastika, along with graffiti calling staff members <BR>"NATO&#039;s spies," was daubed on the walls of theFund for an Open <BR>Society, which receives funding from the Soros Foundation. <BR> <BR>In everyone&#039;s mind, Ms. Kandic said, is the fatal shooting of a <BR>well-known publisher, Slavko Curuvija, after he received threats and <BR>was denounced on state television. With representatives of the <BR>international community largely gone from Belgrade, Curuvija&#039;s <BR>death cowed everyone else. <BR> <BR>"Two days was enough to establish silence," Ms. Kandic said. <BR> <BR>Milosevic has also been skillful at turning the NATO bombing <BR>campaign to his advantage, exploiting the genuine outrage people <BR>feel to block out all memory of why the bombing started. "Official <BR>propaganda succeeded in convincing people that it is aggression, <BR>and that the national task is to defend the country," she said. <BR> <BR>Sonja Licht, head of the Fund for an Open Society Yugoslavia, said <BR>a great majority of people "refuse to talk about" Kosovo. She <BR>gathered 27 democracy and human rights activists in Serbia to sign <BR>a statement condemning both the NATO bombing and the "ethnic <BR>cleansing" of Albanians from Kosovo, but even that was difficult. <BR> <BR>One journalist who is close to some of those who signed said, <BR>"They fought over every word." In the end at least two people <BR>refused to sign the statement because they objected to the <BR>inference that "ethnic cleansing" was perpetrated by "Yugoslav <BR>forces" rather than only "paramilitaries." <BR> <BR>Ms. Kandic refused to sign because it did not go far enough. <BR> <BR>Many of those working for nongovernmental organizations accuse <BR>the West of betraying them and destroying the civil society they <BR>were trying to create. The few organizations that do function <BR>concentrate on the humanitarian needs of Serbs. <BR> <BR>Ms. Kandic, virtually alone, is pressing for international support for <BR>the people left in Kosovo, and she has won respect among Serbs <BR>and Albanians alike. Last week she sat reading a letter sent by an <BR>Albanian friend in the southern Kosovo town of Prizren. It was <BR>printed to disguise the writing and signed with just two initials. <BR> <BR>The author described the hunger, fear and isolation of the people left <BR>in the town and begged for international aid organizations to come. <BR>"If they do not come we shall die," the letter said. <BR> <BR>Ms. Kandic said then that she had already decided on her next trip, <BR>but some in Belgrade say Ms. Kandic is too reckless for her own <BR>good. <BR> <BR>Soon after NATO began its bombing campaign, when foreign <BR>journalists were expelled and Albanians were fleeing Kosovo, Ms. <BR>Kandic got into a taxi and persuaded the driver to take her to <BR>Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. <BR> <BR>"I had a human and professional obligation to go," she explained. <BR>She had an office in Pristina, with six local staff members, as well <BR>as many friends and colleagues in Kosovo. <BR> <BR>Her first aim was to help them escape, but she was also <BR>determined to document what had happened since March 24, not <BR>least because a colleague and close friend, the human rights lawyer <BR>Bajram Kelmendi, had been arrested by the police and was later <BR>found dead along with his two sons. <BR> <BR>In one recent newsletter, she described the fear that gripped <BR>members of her staff as she helped them escape Kosovo. She <BR>wrote how she found her office ransacked, the computers gone and <BR>one of her lawyers "at his wit&#039;s end from terror." <BR> <BR>"I had known he lived in fear that someone might come, knock on <BR>his door and kill him," she said, "but the terror I saw in his eyes <BR>made up my mind then and there to depart immediately."]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>zoja</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/3/#post-4039</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 15:12:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[In case you haven&#039;t already heard, there is going to be a worldwide moment of silence for peace in Balkans on May 24, 1999.  Thousands of people from around the world will come together...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[In case you haven&#039;t already heard, there is going to be a worldwide moment of silence for peace in Balkans on May 24, 1999. <BR> <BR>Thousands of people from around the world will come together at _one moment_ in time -- exactly 4pm Greenwich Mean Time (that&#039;s 9am in Los Angeles, noon in New York, 6pm in Paris). <BR> <BR>We will stop whatever we are doing and observe two minutes of silence for the people in Yugoslavia. It isn&#039;t a statement against the United States, or against the Kosovars, or against the Serbians. It is not about national borders and governments at all. It is about the value of individual human life and liberty. It is a gesture of peace and good will for all men, women, and children. <BR> <BR>I hope you&#039;ll join us on May 24. <BR> <BR>Stop by <A HREF="http://www.MomentofSilence.org/" TARGET="_top">http://www.MomentofSilence.org/</A> to add your name to the growing list of people (from Australia to Argentina to Kansas to Kosovo) who will be observing the moment of silence together. <BR> <BR>Every name on that list is like a candle in the darkness, spreading the light of peace. Every name makes a difference for the people in Yugoslavia. Please add yours. <BR> <BR>And help us spread the word. Forward this message to your friends and family, even if you think they might have already heard about it. Part of what makes this an historic event is that it is being promoted without the help of any big media organization or advertising budget. Regular people are spreading this message around the world, by e-mail. <BR> <BR>Thank you for joining in the Moment of Silence. <BR> <BR> <BR>Emina and Zoja]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>emina</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/2/#post-4038</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 15:00:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[On May 24, people around the world will come together at one moment in time for one purpose. We will stop what we are doing and quietly observe two minutes of silence for peace in the Balkan...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[On May 24, people around the world will come together at one moment in time for one purpose. We will stop what we are doing and quietly observe two minutes of silence for peace in the Balkans.  <BR> <BR>Please join us. This is not a statement against the United States, or against the Kosovars, or against the Serbians. It is not about national borders and governments at all -- it is about the value of individual human life and liberty. It is a gesture of peace and good will for all men, women, and children.  <BR> <BR>This is a quiet, personal moment, but a moment that will be shared across the globe. Please participate, and tell the world that you will be joining them. <BR> <BR>URL: <BR><A HREF="http://www.momentofsilence.org" TARGET="_top">http://www.momentofsilence.org</A> <BR> <BR>Emina and Zoja]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>emina</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/2/#post-4037</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 14:54:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[CIA &#039;to recruit saboteurs in border camps&#039;                                     By Ben Fenton                                                                                      Ne...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[<A HREF="http://www.telegraph.co.uk" TARGET="_top">http://www.telegraph.co.uk</A> <BR> <BR> <BR>CIA &#039;to recruit saboteurs in border camps&#039; <BR>                                    By Ben Fenton  <BR> <BR> <BR>                                      <BR> <BR>                     <BR>                      Newsweek <BR>                        <BR>                      Central Intelligence <BR>                      Agency <BR>                        <BR> <BR> <BR>                                           22,000 more troops head for Balkans <BR> <BR>                                    PRESIDENT Clinton has signed a presidential order authorising the CIA to <BR>                                    train Kosovar refugees to act as saboteurs behind Serb lines, according to <BR>                                    reports in Washington. <BR> <BR>                                    The covert tactic would mean American agents recruiting a sabotage force in <BR>                                    the refugee camps of Albania and Macedonia, but seems to fly in the face of <BR>                                    previous statements by the White House that it had no interest in arming the <BR>                                    Kosovo Liberation Army. <BR> <BR>                                    The KLA, regarded by most of the Nato allies as little better than a terrorist <BR>                                    organisation with suspect links to drug money, is also recruiting in the camps <BR>                                    and it is hard to see how the CIA could train and equip its own proxy force <BR>                                    without aiding the rebels. <BR> <BR>                                    This is one of several dilemmas facing the Clinton administration after the <BR>                                    President signed a secret "finding" authorising the sabotage plan and also <BR>                                    allowing the CIA to use computers to break into foreign bank accounts and <BR>                                    steal money from Slobodan Milosevic, Newsweek magazine said. <BR> <BR>                                    The presidential finding, signed last week by Mr Clinton, is believed to be the <BR>                                    first order given by a Western head of state which would allow security forces <BR>                                    to operate a "cyberwar" using computers. <BR> <BR>                                    The idea, according to the Newsweek report, is to infiltrate computers in <BR>                                    banks in a number of foreign countries, including Russia, Greece and Cyprus, <BR>                                    where Milosevic is believed to hold millions of pounds in personal accounts. <BR> <BR>                                    If they were able to gain access to the money, the CIA would then be <BR>                                    authorised to steal it or transfer it to the American banking system, where it <BR>                                    could be held as a bargaining chip against the Serb leader. <BR> <BR>                                    The Americans have not told their Nato ally about either part of the <BR>                                    presidential finding, not least because the use of information technology as a <BR>                                    weapon is almost certainly illegal under international treaties. !!       !!!!!!!       !The White <BR>                                    House refused to comment on the report.***** <BR> <BR> **************                       One Nato diplomat said yesterday: "I can believe that someone in the CIA <BR>                                    believes that they have the ability to do this and I can believe that they might <BR>                                    have persuaded the White House to let them have a go. <BR> <BR>                                    "But I can&#039;t believe it will really happen. The American banking system would <BR>                                    be the one most likely to panic if the overall security of banking systems <BR>                                    around the world was compromised like this." <BR> <BR>                                     Henry Kissinger, the former Secretary of State and National Security <BR>                                    Adviser to Presidents Nixon and Ford, has accused the White House of <BR>                                    short-sightedness in its dealings with Belgrade. <BR> <BR>                                    He says in an article for Newsweek that Mr Clinton and his aides were driven <BR>                                    by opinion polls and used America&#039;s power and influence "ineffectively and <BR>                                    without conviction". <BR> <BR>                                    Mr Kissinger, who oversaw the end of America&#039;s entanglement in Vietnam, <BR>                                    condemned the President for destroying relations with China and Russia over <BR>                                    the Kosovo conflict in a blunder that would reverberate for generations to <BR>                                    come. However, he added that once started, the campaign in the Balkans <BR>                                    should be pressed home "with ground troops if necessary". <BR> <BR>                                    11 April 1999: US spy satellites &#039;raiding German firms&#039; secrets&#039;]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>daniela</dc:creator>
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                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 14:50:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[President signed a secret &quot;finding&quot; authorising the sabotage plan and also                                     allowing the CIA to use computers to break into foreign bank accounts and      ...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[President signed a secret "finding" authorising the sabotage plan and also <BR>                                    allowing the CIA to use computers to break into foreign bank accounts and <BR>                                    steal money from Slobodan Milosevic, Newsweek magazine said.]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>daniela</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/2/#post-4035</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 13:31:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[From Maja&#039;s piece see above Only 8 civilians were killed,   Maja and your babling about Serbian citizans who are dead! Give me a break death means nothing too you.Not even if they are y...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[From Maja&#039;s piece see above <BR>Only 8 civilians were killed,  <BR> <BR>Maja and your babling about Serbian citizans who are dead! Give me a break death means nothing too you.Not even if they are your fellow citizans. <BR> <BR>Emina]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>emina</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/2/#post-4034</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 13:12:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[Her four guards, who shared the bedroom next door, let her out under escort only at night. &quot;I was already mourning the loss of my husband and my son, and now I was forced to sell my body,&quot; A...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[Her four guards, who shared the bedroom next door, let her out under escort only at night. "I was already mourning the loss of my <BR>husband and my son, and now I was forced to sell my body," Alina said. "The Albanians told me, &#039;Do this or we will beat you; do this or <BR>we will kill you.&#039; "  <BR> <BR>"This" meant dressing in a miniskirt, fishnet stockings and high heels, packing a few condoms into her handbag and parading the <BR>seafront motorway south of Bari, or plying her enforced trade in small towns nearby. The four captives earned 1.5m lire (about £500) <BR>each a night - none of which they were allowed to keep.  <BR> <BR>Alina&#039;s ordeal finally ended 10 days ago, when police raided the house. Two of the Albanians escaped arrest by fleeing over the <BR>rooftops. The two others, who turned out to be from the Albanian port of Durres, were caught and charged with abetting illegal <BR>immigration and prostitution, kidnapping and enslavement, and face several years in jail.  <BR> <BR>The next day, with a magistrate&#039;s approval, Alina headed back to Albania by ferry. Others, however, are sure to take her place. Italian <BR>relief workers at refugee camps in Vlore on the Albanian coast have reported visits by men who then leave the camp with young <BR>women. In one case, a 16-year-old was taken away from a camp set up by volunteers from Italy&#039;s Piemonte region.  <BR> <BR>The man who took her had a Kalashnikov slung across his back and told relief workers he was a policeman. "There are 2,000 Kosovan <BR>refugees in our camp," said Father Giovanni Mercurio, who manages the Rezervat E Shteti centre in Vlore. "For a month now police <BR>have been taking girls away and we are not told their destination. But we can&#039;t do anything about it."  <BR> <BR>Relief agencies have reported their concerns to the Italian interior ministry, but a government spokesman said there was little the <BR>authorities could do. "The girls are free, the refugee camps are not prisons. They are at liberty to do what they want and that can <BR>include being hired by Albanian criminals. The best way to stop that happening," he said, "is to have European countries take in <BR>refugees and care for them."  <BR> <BR>Last year, however, a Sunday Times investigation revealed that girls as young as 14 were being kidnapped or bought from their families <BR>in Albania to be sold for £800 each into the white slave trade in Britain. Thousands of women like Alina have been smuggled into Italy <BR>by sea and then transported overland to London, Hamburg and other western European cities.  <BR> <BR>In Durres, The Sunday Times was told that the price had since risen to £1,300. "Albanian mafia gangs are very vicious," a recent Home <BR>Office report emphasised. "They make the Italian mafia look like crowd-control officers at a local whist drive."]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>daniela</dc:creator>
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                        <link>https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/archive-through-may-24-1999/paged/2/#post-4033</link>
                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 12:57:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[Is that why NATO bombed prison quite a few times in recent days, in Kosovo provance ? Zpka .]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[Is that why NATO bombed prison quite a few times in recent days, in Kosovo provance ? Zpka .]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>daniela</dc:creator>
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                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 12:08:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[GENEVA, Switzerland, May 23 (UPI) -- A U.N. High Commissioner for   &gt;Refugees spokeswoman in Geneva says ``It looks as if we are heading for  &gt;a new wave of arrivals&#039;&#039; of Kos...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[GENEVA, Switzerland, May 23 (UPI) -- A U.N. High Commissioner for   <BR>&gt;Refugees spokeswoman in Geneva says ``It looks as if we are heading for  <BR>&gt;a new wave of arrivals&#039;&#039; of Kosovo refugees in both Albania and the  <BR>&gt;former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.  <BR>&gt;        Judith Kumin based her forecast today on the wave of single men, in   <BR>&gt;``pitiful condition; emaciated, exhausted, confused, bruised, many who  <BR>&gt;showed signs of beatings; in appalling shape,&#039;&#039; who arrived in Albania  <BR>&gt;and the arrival of a large trainload and several buses of refugees in  <BR>&gt;Macedonia.  <BR>&gt;        On Saturday, 523 men without families were among the 608 refugees to   <BR>&gt;arrive in Albania. Another 7,700 arrived in Macedonia on Saturday, by  <BR>&gt;far the largest single day&#039;s toll in weeks.  <BR>&gt;        The Geneva-based agency now says about 815,777 Kosovars have fled   <BR>&gt;their homes in the Yugoslav province. This includes nearly 60,000  <BR>&gt;voluntarily evacuated to third countries and 64,000 displaced persons in  <BR>&gt;the Federal Yugoslav Republic of Montenegro.  <BR>&gt;        On Sunday, A UNHCR spokesman in Blace, Macedonia, Ron Redman, told   <BR>&gt;United Press International a single train, loaded with 4,500 to 5,000  <BR>&gt;people and ``several buses&#039;&#039; arrived at the border point. It was too  <BR>&gt;early to get a firm figure on the total, but Macedonia authorities had  <BR>&gt;ordered all refugees arriving today to be kept in the Blace transit  <BR>&gt;camp. Macedonia is fast running out of spaces for the war victims.  <BR>&gt;        UNHCR reported from Albania another approximately 500 refugees   <BR>&gt;arrived today with ``at least 90 former prisoners.&#039;&#039;  <BR>&gt;        As Saturday, most of the male refugees arrived late in the day.   <BR>&gt;        UNHCR said the men arriving in Albania had been pulled in mid-April   <BR>&gt;in the village of Grmnik from a convoy of displaced persons heading for  <BR>&gt;the border.  <BR>&gt;        The men alone were taken to Mitrovica in North Central Kosovo, the   <BR>&gt;women and children allowed to proceed. From there, the men were held in  <BR>&gt;Smrekovnica prison south of Mitrovica. Until Saturday, there was no word  <BR>&gt;on their fate, and most believed they had been killed.  <BR>&gt;        The men arriving in Albania on Saturday said when they were told to   <BR>&gt;board buses they thought they were being taken to be killed. They did  <BR>&gt;not realize they were being deported until they were ordered off the  <BR>&gt;buses just short of the border, out of sight of those at the checkpoint,  <BR>&gt;and told to head in the direction of the border.  <BR>&gt;        ``Many of the men fell into each other&#039;s arms sobbing, when they   <BR>&gt;crossed the border,&#039;&#039; said Kumin.]]></content:encoded>
						                            <category domain="https://www.viexpo.com/kosovo-war/">Kosovo War</category>                        <dc:creator>zoja</dc:creator>
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                        <pubDate>Mon, 24 May 1999 11:55:00 +0000</pubDate>
                        <description><![CDATA[LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT&#039;S DECREE ON APPLICATION OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE DURING THE STATE OF WAR (Official Gazette of FRY No 21/99)   According to the federal governme...]]></description>
                        <content:encoded><![CDATA[LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT&#039;S DECREE ON APPLICATION OF THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE DURING THE STATE OF WAR (Official Gazette of FRY No 21/99) <BR> <BR> <BR>According to the federal government&#039;s decree, the articles of the Law on Criminal Procedure (Official Gazette of SFRY No 4/77, 14/85, 74/87, 57/89, 3/90 and Official Gazette of FRY No 27/92 and 24/94) are to be applied during the state of war unless otherwise determined by this decree. The federal government&#039;s decree is in accordance with its competencies under article 99, paragraph 11 of the Constitution of FRY according to which the federal government is authorised to pass decrees regarding the issues under federal assembly&#039;s jurisdiction if the sessions of the federal assembly itself cannot be convened during the state of war. The changes in the Law on Criminal Procedure as determined by this decree are as follows:  <BR> <BR> <BR>I Extending the local jurisdiction of the court where the defendant has been arrested or turned himself in.  <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 2 of the decree determines the territorial jurisdiction of the COURT WHERE THE ACCUSED HAS BEEN ARRESTED OR TURNED HIMSELF IN regarding the opening of the criminal proceedings against the accused who is in flight or beyond jurisdiction of the local court which would otherwise be authorised to act as determined under the Law on Criminal Procedure. This represents an extension of the jurisdiction of a local court where the accused has been arrested or turned himself in as compared to its jurisdiction under article 29, paragraph 3 of the Law on Criminal Procedure according to which the court has jurisdiction if neither the scene of the crime nor the residence of the accused is known, or if these are both located beyond the borders of FRY.  <BR> <BR> <BR>II Changes regarding the obligation to obtain the authorisation for conducting criminal proceedings as well as the warrant to make a search of an apartment, other premises and individuals. <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 3 of this decree determines that the regulations contained within the Law on Criminal Procedure regarding the OBLIGATION TO OBTAIN AUTHORISATION for conducting criminal proceedings shall NOT BE APPLIED  <BR> <BR> <BR>1. if the accused has perpetrated a crime:  <BR> <BR>- against the constitutional order and security of FRY (Chapter 15, Criminal Code of FRY),  <BR> <BR>- against humanity and international law (Chapter 16, Criminal Code of FRY),  <BR> <BR>- against the Yugoslav army (Chapter 20, Criminal Code of FRY); <BR> <BR> <BR>2. if the crime perpetrated by the accused entails at least 5-year prison sentence.  <BR> <BR> <BR>Thereby, in this case, the regulation contained in the article 139 of the Law on Criminal Procedure is effectively revoked, according to which the public prosecutor cannot either demand an investigation to be conducted or charges brought i.e. submit the proposal to bring charges unless presenting evidence beforehand that the authorisation by the competent state organs has been given (e.g. authorisation by the federal assembly to initiate criminal court action against MPs as well as against the assembly as a perpetrator of some criminal offences). Also the article 7 of the decree, authorises law enforcement officers to make a search of an apartment, other premises and individuals WITHOUT A WRITTEN JUDICIAL WARRANT AND WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF THAT INDIVIDUAL if there is a reasonable doubt that the person has committed one of the above-mentioned criminal offences. Thereby, in this case, the regulation contained within the article 207, paragraph 1 of the Law on Criminal Procedure, according to which the court orders a search by means of a search warrant, as well as the regulations contained in the article 207, paragraph 2 of the Law on Criminal Procedure according to which the court order to make a search is to be delivered to the person to be searched or whose premises are to be searched before the search itself commences, are effectively revoked. This also includes the regulation according to which the person, whom this court order to make a search refers to, is to be summoned before the search itself and demanded to voluntarily give information about the person in question, i.e. the objects which are being searched for.  <BR> <BR> <BR>III Changes regarding the regulations on disqualification of judges <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 4 of the Decree determines that regulation contained in the article 39, paragraph 6 of the Law on Criminal Procedure, according to which a judge or members of the jury may be disqualified if the circumstances indicate his/her possible prejudice, is NO LONGER TO BE APPLIED.  <BR> <BR> <BR>IV Changes regarding the jurisdiction and the structure of the court <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 5 of the Decree determines that a judge as an individual in the court of first instance is to conduct the proceedings for criminal offences for which fines or sentences of up to 5 years in prison are prescribed (thus changing the regulations according to which a council consisting of a judge and two jurists are intended to conduct such proceedings, article 23, Law on Criminal Procedure).  <BR> <BR> <BR>V Changes regarding the extension of the authority of some state bodies <BR> <BR> <BR>According to the article 6 of the Decree, an EXTENDED AUTHORITY is given to: <BR> <BR> <BR>- the public prosecutor in terms of CONDUCTING AN INVESTIGATION. (According to the article 16, paragraph 1, of the Law on Criminal Procedure, the investigation is to be conducted by an investigative judge of the competent court.); <BR> <BR> <BR>- the investigative judge so that he/she may conduct investigation and undertake certain investigative measures in case of an emergency EVEN WITHOUT PRIOR REQUEST ON THE PART OF THE PUBLIC I.E. STATE PROSECUTOR (According to the article 158, paragraph 1, of the Law on Criminal Procedure, the investigation is being conducted at the public prosecutor&#039;s request.); <BR> <BR> <BR>- law enforcement officers so that they may undertake investigative measures in case of an emergency EVEN WITHOUT PRIOR DECISION BY THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR I.E. STATE PROSECUTOR, but the investigative judge and law enforcement officers are OBLIGED TO NOTIFY immediately public prosecutor i.e. state prosecutor of the measures. <BR> <BR> <BR>  <BR> <BR>VI Changes regarding the organs which may impose temporary arrest and determine the duration of the confinement <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 8 of the Decree changes the regulations contained within the Law on Criminal Procedure regarding the authority of the organs to impose temporary confinement .  <BR> <BR>The following organs now may reach a decision on temporary arrests: <BR> <BR>- INVESTIGATIVE JUDGE <BR> <BR>- PUBLIC PROSECUTOR I.E. STATE PROSECUTOR AND  <BR> <BR>- THE ORGAN OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS.  <BR> <BR>Also the regulations of the Criminal Law concerning the duration of temporary arrest have been changed so that now: <BR> <BR>- the TIME LIMIT IS 30 DAYS (up till now the temporary arrest enforced by the organ of internal affairs could not last more than 3 days according to the article 196, paragraph 3); <BR> <BR>- temporary arrest as determined by these organs may be EXTENDED by the court of first instance (article 23, paragraph 6, Criminal Law) for ANOTHER 3-MONTH PERIOD (according to the regulations which have been in force up till now, article 197, paragraph 2, temporary arrest could be extended by means of a ruling of the court of first instance for maximum 2 months); <BR> <BR>- the council of a higher court directly reaches a decision on extending temporary arrests (according to the article 197, paragraph 2, of the Criminal Law, if the proceedings are being conducted for a criminal offence which entails sentences of more than 5 years in prison or even harsher punishment, then the Council of the Supreme Court of the Republic of Serbia may further extend the temporary arrest for additional 3-month period); <BR> <BR>- also, the article 8 of the Decree does not provide for the obligation of the organs of internal affairs, in the case of temporary arrest, to notify public prosecutor i.e. investigative judge which in turn could demand that the organ of internal affairs immediately bring the arrested person to the public prosecutor etc. (article 196, paragraph 4, Criminal Law). <BR> <BR> <BR>VII Changes regarding the authority of the public prosecutor to bring charges without prior investigation and consent of the investigative judge <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 9 of the Decree provides for extending the authority of the public prosecutor i.e. state prosecutor to bring charges without prior investigation and consent of the investigative judge if the evidence gathered so far offer a basis for bringing charges IN THE CASE OF A CRIMINAL OFFENCE WHICH ENTAILS A PRISON SENTENCE OF UP TO 10 YEARS. The article 160, paragraph 6, which has been in force until now, provided for the authority of the public prosecutor to bring charges without prior investigation, if the evidence gathered concerning the criminal offence and the offender does form the basis for prosecution, but this relates to the criminal offences for which sentences of up to 5 years in prison are prescribed. Regarding the disagreement of the investigative judge with the indictment without prior investigation the article 160, paragraph 5, determined, up till now, that the course of action must incorporate an investigation before the indictment.  <BR> <BR> <BR>VIII Introduction of the shortest possible time limit for determining the date of the main hearing from the date of delivering the indictment <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 10 of the Decree PROVIDES FOR A 48-HOUR TIME LIMIT starting from the moment of delivering the indictment to the accused until the main hearing. So far the article 279, paragraph 2, Criminal Law, determined that the president of the judicial council must schedule the main hearing within the 2-month time limit starting from the date of receipt of the indictment in court. Consequently, the article 10 of the Decree determines the shortest possible time limit for scheduling the main hearing so as to accelerate the criminal proceedings.  <BR> <BR> <BR>IX Changes of time limits within which the accused has the right to object against the indictment <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 11, paragraph 1, of the Decree determines that the accused has the right to object against the indictment WITHIN 24-HOUR TIME LIMIT since the delivery of the indictment. Thereby, the time limit under the article 267, paragraph 1, of the Law on Criminal Procedure has been changed (8 days from the moment of the receipt of the indictment). Also the same article, paragraph 2, of the Decree determines that the OBJECTION MADE DOES NOT AFFECT THE SCHEDULED MAIN HEARING WITHIN THE TIME LIMIT UNDER THE ARTICLE 10 OF THE DECREE, which practically means that the objections of the accused does not affect the indictment being put into effect in legal terms. Consequently, the indictment may come into effect despite the objection against the indictment itself on the part of the accused i.e. there is no major violation of the criminal proceedings&#039; provisions in the case when the main hearing is scheduled and sentence brought according to the indictment which has not been put into effect since the objection in the written form of the accused has been previously submitted. Also the article 271, paragraph 1, of the Law on Criminal Procedure provides for the possibility of presenting an objection against the indictment by the public prosecutor, and the article 277, paragraph 1 determines that if the objection against the indictment has not been submitted or has been rejected, then, the council of the court of first instance (article 23, paragraph 6), at the request of the president of the council before which the main hearing is to take place, may reach decision on any issue which is being resolved on the basis of this law and with respect to this objection. However, since the article 11, paragraph 1 of the Decree does not explicitly state that these objections do not affect the scheduled main hearing within the time limit as determined in the article 10 of the Decree, one could presume that the provision from the article 11, paragraph 2 of the Decree does not refer to the cases from the articles 271, paragraph 1 and the article 277 of the Law on Criminal Procedure.  <BR> <BR> <BR>  <BR> <BR>X Changes regarding the delivery of the appeal against the reply <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 12 of the Decree effectively revokes the regulations of the Law on Criminal Procedure which refer to the delivery of the appeal against the reply of the court. This means that a major violation of the regulations of the criminal proceedings does not exist anymore when the court of second instance reaches a decision, thus accepting the appeal of the public prosecutor and altering the sentence of the court of first instance so as to pass a more severe punishment, even though the copy of the prosecutor&#039;s appeal has not been previously delivered by the court of first instance to the accused as determined by the article 369 of the Law on Criminal Procedure.  <BR> <BR> <BR>  <BR> <BR>XI Changes regarding the adjournment of the main hearing and/or changes of the judicial council i.e. an individual judge <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 13 of the Decree provides for the possibility that the Council i.e. the judge as an individual MAY DECIDE NOT TO INITIATE THE PROCESS OF HEARING AGAIN if the following conditions are met: <BR> <BR>- if the main hearing was adjourned, and the adjournment lasted for more than a month, or  <BR> <BR>- if the adjourned main hearing takes place before the altered council or another judge.  <BR> <BR>If that were the case, the court proceeds with hearing and the president of the judicial council i.e. the judge as an individual gives the account of the first part of the hearing. This represents an alteration of the article 305, paragraph 3 of the Law on Criminal Procedure, according to which the main hearing has to be initiated and all the evidence presented once again if the adjournment of the main hearing has lasted for more than a month or if the main hearing is taking place before another president of the judicial council.  <BR> <BR> <BR>  <BR> <BR>XII Changes regarding the delivery of the written copy of the verdict <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 14 of the Decree determines that a written copy of the verdict is to be delivered ONLY AT THE EXPLICIT REQUEST OF THE INTERESTED PARTY. Thus, the article 356, paragraph 3 and the article 123 of the Law on Criminal Procedure concerning the delivery of the verdict which is in the authority of the judge as an individual, have been altered so that the obligation to deliver copies of the verdict to both the defendant and his/her lawyer does not exist.  <BR> <BR> <BR>XIII Changes of time limits for appealing against the verdict <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 15 of the Decree determines that the regulations of the Law on Criminal Procedure concerning the PRESENCE OF THE PARTIES during the process of the appeal are to be applied only when the president of the judicial council or the council itself rules that the presence of the parties, or one of the parties, or of the defendant&#039;s lawyer, WOULD BE USEFUL TO EXPLAIN THE MATTER. Consequently, the regulations from the article 373, paragraph 2 and 3 of the Law on Criminal Procedure, in their part which determines the obligation to summon the defendant and his/her lawyer for the hearing before the court of second instance, shall not be applied if the court rules that their presence has no bearing on further clarifying the matter.  <BR> <BR> <BR>XIV Extending the application of the regulations of the Law on Criminal Procedure regarding the summary proceedings and temporary confinement in summary proceedings <BR> <BR> <BR>The article 17, paragraph 1, of the Decree determines the application of the regulations of the Criminal Law regarding the SUMMARY PROCEEDINGS before the court of first instance for all the criminal offences for which the major punishment that may be imposed is either a fine or a sentence of UP TO FIVE YEARS in prison, thus extending the number of criminal offences for which three-year prison sentences are prescribed according to the article 430 of the Criminal Law. The article 17, paragraph 2 of the Decree determines that the temporary confinement in a summary proceeding may LAST FOR ONLY THE PERIOD NEEDED TO CONDUCT INVESTIGATION, BUT NOT MORE THAN THIRTY DAYS. Thus, the regulations under article 433, paragraph 2, of the Law on Criminal Procedure are effectively revoked, and they determine that the temporary confinement in summary proceeding before indictment may last as long as needed to conduct the investigation, but not more than eight days, Also the article 433, paragraph 3 and the article 199 concerning the imposing of temporary confinement in a summary proceeding from the moment of submitting the indictment to the conclusion of the main hearing are no longer in force as one single regulation has been put into effect for the both phases of the summary proceeding.  <BR> <BR><A HREF="http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/" TARGET="_top">http://jurist.law.pitt.edu/</A>]]></content:encoded>
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