Dimitri, I wonder if the tax is to help pay fot the fighting in Chechnya. I think Putin has made a mistake. At least he should have waited till after the election to raise the tax. In America raising taxes in an election year has become almost unthinkable. I don't think the government will be the ones who will see the bigest windfall from rasing this tax but bootleggers and the mob will. The fact that vodka is so woven into Russian society this just didn't seem to make sence politically. But in fighting a war the bills pile up fast.
Plus I doubt the new tax has anything to do with trying to convince people not to drink Vodka because of there health but everything to do with raising funds.
Well time to go. Later
As minister of economy I ought to answer to this Q of 40% on vodka. 
 
Everybody will start drinking samagon or home made vodka only and the state will see oficial sales plunging along with alcohol tax revenues. 
 
It's precedented,It will not work. 
Suleyman,
PSO,
Party Searching (to make) Order?...
Gonz..exellent point on the taxation right(!) before the Elections. That might seem like a deadly mistake.....in America. However Russia is a very surcumstantional place. On top of everything, his analysts might've predicted an easy victory anyways, so Putin might just care less..but these are just my clueless guesses - this is too fresh of a news to give predictions.
Good night, my friends.
Good night, Suleyman, 
I am out too.
 http://dailynews.yahoo.com/h/p/ap/20000214/wl/pakistan_russia_chechnya.html  
 
PAKISTAN JUST DON'T GET IT. I CAN'T WAIT TO HEAR THEIR EXCUSE THIS TIME.
FRED --- ONLY 17 "HOSTAGES" WANT TO GO BACK TO AFGHANISTAN. THE REST WERE FORCED BY BRITISH AUTHORITIES. NOBODY WANTS "MUJAHIDEEN" IN THEIR COUNTRIES.
 http://www.geocities.com/Vienna/9938/object.html  
 
SOMETHING I STUMBLED UPON. I GUESS IT'S FOR "TURK" AND "TURK FROM ANKORA".
The Times 
 
 February 14 2000 
 
 Putin lines up old KGB pals to run Kremlin 
 
 FROM GILES WHITTELL IN MOSCOW 
 
 WHEN the deadline for registration expired last night, Vladimir Putin 
 was one of 14 candidates to have announced their candidacy to be 
 Russia's President. So confident is Mr Putin of victory in next month's 
 election that he has already hired from his native St Petersburg a cadre 
 of advisers who could mould Russian politics for the next decade. 
 
 Meet the "Putinburgers" - or, as some are brave enough to call them, the 
 St Petersburg mafia. They include friends of the acting President, 
 though he has admitted he has few of them. Some of the Putinburgers are 
 national figures but most are virtual unknowns. They represent no single 
 ideology, but what they do have in common, one expert said yesterday, is 
 that "in a country where mutual mistrust is the norm, Mr Putin trusts 
 them". 
 
 Six weeks before the presidential election, 17 key posts in the Kremlin, 
 including two Deputy Prime Ministers and the head and deputy head of the 
 Federal Security Service (or FSB), are already filled by figures who 
 rose through the St Petersburg regional government when Mr Putin was the 
 city's deputy mayor in the early 1990s. 
 
 For some, the acquaintance goes back further. Nikolai Patrushev, like Mr 
 Putin, joined the KGB in what was then Leningrad in 1975. In August he 
 was put in charge of the KGB's successor, the FSB, apparently at Mr 
 Putin's insistence as he was leaving the job to become Prime Minister. 
 
 Another former Leningrad KGB officer, Viktor Cherkessov, is now the 
 FSB's second-in-command, while yet another, Viktor Ivanov, controls all 
 personnel matters in the Kremlin. Mr Patrushev and Mr Ivanov are 
 no friends of liberals in or outside Russia. In a chilly echo of Soviet 
 times, they have told FSB personnel that "foreign organisations and 
 missions" may be trying to influence the coming election. Mr Patrushev 
 is notorious for describing as a "police training exercise" a big bomb 
 scare in Ryazan last year, soon after the blasts in Moscow and elsewhere 
 that helped to trigger the Chechen war. 
 
 These and others in the Putin entourage are widely feared as possible 
 instruments of a return to authoritarianism after the election. However, 
 the Putinburgers also include well-known reformers. Foremost among these 
 is German Gref, a 36-year-old economist brought to the Kremlin by 
 Anatoli Chubais, the architect of Russia's early privatisations, and 
 kept on in two high-profile roles by Mr Putin. 
 
 Mr Gref had risen to become a Deputy Privatisation Minister when Mr 
 Putin took on the acting presidency. He is now also head of the Centre 
 for Strategic Research, a Putin think-tank which has the daunting task 
 of drawing up a plan for Russian economic revival within two months. Mr 
 Gref has so far offered hope for both Russia's poor and the West's 
 potential lenders. "Without doubt we will follow a liberal model of 
 development," he told journalists last month, "but that model will 
 preserve a wide sphere of state regulation." Hinting at a paternalistic 
 state on German or Swedish lines, Mr Gref promised "a wider social 
 safety net to make up for the shock that many felt when decades of state 
 care were swept away". 
 
 Whether Mr Putin will use such plans remains unclear. "He is using the 
 St Petersburg people first of all because he knows them," Fyodor 
 Gabrilov, a St Petersburg columnist, said yesterday. "But they are not 
 of one voice and they may not last long; he is likely to play them off 
 against each other as Yeltsin did. At best, he will use the 
 intelligentsia for ideas and the ex-KGB men to put them into practice." 
 
 St Petersburg languished for much of the 1990s as Russia's capital of 
 organised crime, its liberal elite largely corrupted or sidelined. Hopes 
 that it can inject new reformist zeal into the Kremlin seem unrealistic, 
 and Mr Putin has yet to declare war on corruption. But the new blood 
 could hardly be worse than the old. As he said last week, in Moscow 
 "everything has been in place for years . . . Sometimes it's useful to 
 break the chains". 
 
 Moscow's new leaders have historically brought with them waves of 
 appointees. Boris Yeltsin's rise was marked by an influx of former 
 colleagues from Yekaterinburg, and Stalin lavished his patronage on 
 fellow Georgians. 
 
 The results are not always malign. Mr Gavrilov noted yesterday that, as 
 a seat of learning and a forcing house for European-leaning 
 administrators, St Petersburg could provide Russia with a new generation 
 of able technocrats as the Baltic states did for Tsarist Russia in the 
 19th century. 
 
 The billionaire "oligarchs" blamed for Russia's stagnation are unlikely 
 to be affected. Mr Putin has promised not to investigate the 
 privatisations that enriched them.
Ibn 'Umar ( - 152.163.207.191) 
 
Are you a atheist, jews or pagans?
canadianbacon: 
you really got nothing better to post than your moronic, misogynistic anti-semitism? how lame can you get? or, more to the point, how completely INCONSEQUENTIAL can you get? 
==== 
 
konbanwa, k-san! 
the greetings of the moon for you....HOO HAH! 
lolololol
