Hey, a perfect recipe for stability.

Make Kossovo a US satellite to become its back-door to the lucrative European Economic Community. After all, was that not the real reason for Fly-Guy Bill's intervention?

The only problem is that Brown-Nose Tony Blair pre-empted Fly-Guy Bill in partnering with Japan to seek economic resources in Kossovo.

The real bill will be paid by the US+UK taxpayers.

The FRONT DOOR is wide open you idiot.....

in fact we own it !!!!

The back door is only more EXPENSIVE.

THINK AGAIN - activate brain first .... please.

To Jack, Guido, l'emenexe

Guys, we are ready to rock and roll! Sure we both are ready to party in the Carribbean!!! And Guido, do you really THINK we will talk about these nutcases you mention when we party? NO WAY!!!

Hope yous caught our mail yesterday. We are starting whith it TODAY!!

Also, I do think Slob Milo has things up his sleeve. Look at my previous posting. And if you guys just read my mext one, you will laugh your arses off.

See ya!

Zoja. (you get greetings form Emina!)

PS Sure we will drop yous a line.

THE NEW YORK TIMES

June 24, 1999

BANKERS

Swiss Freeze Funds Linked to
Milosevic and 4 Associates

By ELIZABETH OLSON

GENEVA -- Federal authorities Wednesday froze any funds in
Switzerland belonging to Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav
President, and four high-ranking associates who were
indicted along with him by the international war crimes tribunal last
month.

The federal police office, in the Swiss capital of Bern, took the action
in response to the request of the International Criminal Tribunal for
the Former Yugoslavia on May 28, a day after it indicted Milosevic
for atrocities it asserts were committed by Serbian forces in
Kosovo. Along with arrest warrants, the tribunal issued an order to
member countries of the United Nations to freeze assets belonging
to Milosevic and the other men. However, since Switzerland is not a
member country of the United Nations, the tribunal had to request
Swiss assistance separately.

Government authorities do not specifically know of any deposits or
assets lodged with Swiss financial institutions by any of the five
men, according to a spokesman, Folco Galli. American and
European officials have indicated that Milosevic hid assets in
Greece, Switzerland, Russia, Cyprus and Lebanon. Cyprus said
last month that it had looked unsuccessfully for assets belonging to
Milosevic.

In a statement issued in Bern, the Swiss authorities said: "As a
provisional measure, the Federal Police Office today ordered that
the assets of the Yugoslav President, Slobodan Milosevic, and four
other people charged be frozen."

The order means that banks, lawyers and others handling funds in
Switzerland must not transfer or otherwise dispose of any money or
assets of the five, and must report "without delay" to federal
authorities the existence and details of any such holdings. Failure to
do so incurs criminal penalties or fines under Swiss law.

However, Galli acknowledged that Swiss authorities could not track
the movement of funds, but, instead, depended on the cooperation
of financial institutions to keep tabs on such money.

In a sign of Swiss determination to shed its image as a haven for
ill-gotten wealth, the decision to move against Milosevic was the first
time that Switzerland has blocked the assets of an acting head of
state, officials said.

Although Switzerland's formidable bank secrecy has long made it a
refuge for money of the rich and powerful, officials have increasingly
tightened the rules in the light of unfavorable publicity over deposits
of corrupt rulers. A decade of legal wrangling over some $500
million secreted in Switzerland by the former President of the
Philippines, Ferdinand E. Marcos, produced requirements that
banks ascertain ownership of funds before accepting them for
deposit.

In recent years, authorities have tracked funds attributed to former
Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto of Pakistan and her husband, to the
deposed ruler of Zaire, Mobutu Sese Seko, and to Ra?l Salinas,
brother of the former Mexican President Carlos Salinas.

In addition to Milosevic, the four men named in today's order were
Milan Milutinovic, president of Serbia; Nikola Sainovic, Yugoslav
Deputy Prime Minister; Dragoljub Ojdanic, chief of the Yugoslav
armed forces, and Vlajko Stojiljkovic, Serbia's minister of internal
affairs. Swiss authorities last month issued arrest warrants for the
five men at the request of the international tribunal.

In April, France asked for Switzerland's help in tracking down assets
of a Yugoslav banker, Miodrag Zeceyic, who is reported to have
financial ties to Milosevic. Zurich authorities furnished bank
documents to Paris officials, and Zeceyic's accounts were blocked
in Zurich, according to the Swiss federal police. However, no details
about the amounts involved were made public.

all of mankind is a single being. cells die and are replaced by other cells. the idea is to not kill all of the cells at one time. war is the destroyer of individual cells. it matters not who dies or in what country they live.

Hi JACK.Yes ofcourse we love housewarmings, and talking about Idiots no forget that.

We see enough proof in daily life anyway .
I agree with Guido and my sister that Milosevic is planning something.Sjesjl wanted to resign cause all of this junk did not go far enough for him, but Milosevic would not let him, cause if he would he loses his majority and can be kicked out himself.

Sorry made a spelling mistake i ment to write SESELJ.
Emina

well, whatchoo know 'bout that...i done got me a reaction from the mighty h'niq...hock-ptoo...


au contraire, silly man, in that context the word "peoples" was correctly deployed...any other english lessons you'd care to pass along?


and at which point did i say i liked or supported clinton? naahhh...i doubt it; just thought it typically absurd of you to put he and hitler in the same sentence.


"thick evil cockroach": oooh, hurt me hurt me!


and y'know, i enjoy having fun with the english language; its entirety is at my disposal...big words, small words,"contractions", dialect, slang...by golly, it's just my american "freedom" (insert cackle) that lets me do ANYTHING I WANT with it. if it bothers you...hey, that's a good thing.


actually the "plan" this week was to simply ignore you, but i couldnt resist...i'm bad like that.


"analphabete": i confess i'm gonna (contraction) haveta (contraction) go look that baby up, h'niq.


lastly, i already said i might be less intensely informed than certain rhetoriticians ==big enough word for you, comrade?== who mutate the reality of this situation to their liking, TRUTH be damned... but you may think of me as a freelanceojÝðow@lla who's cooQ

dammit!!


they did it again!!


let's try "freelance anti-war guerrilla who's come to PISS OFF fascistic doyoys like yourself"


that's better.

Like, totally awesome dude! The USA put a $5,000,000 reward on Milo and the other nazi's heads charged with crimes. Where in the hell did I lay my .50 caliber sniper rifle? If they would have hired a mafia assassin 3 months ago like I said it would have been a lot cheaper.

Come on, Guido! Polish your guns and GO FOR THE BIG CASH!!! We can also tell you exactly where Radovan'pubic hair' Karadic lives. Hell, the route was even discribed in a British newspaper once. Take some of your mates, and finish him off too while you are at it. You may even win an extra five million!

Zoja

To Guido.

Hey, you really get five milion fo every war criminal you bring in!

---

CNN

June 24, 1999
Web posted at: 3:46 p.m. EDT (1946 GMT)

In this story:

Atrocity sites 'popping up every day'
Yugoslavia denies allegations

WASHINGTON (CNN) -- As an
FBI team in Kosovo looked for
evidence linking atrocities there to
specific individuals, the United States
on Thursday offered up to $5 million
for information leading to the arrest
and conviction of alleged war
criminals in Yugoslavia, including
President Slobodan Milosevic.

The reward would go to "those who provide information that leads to the
transfer of indicted war criminals" to the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal
for the Former Yugoslavia in the Hague, said State Department spokesman
James Rubin.

Milosevic and four other senior military and civilian officials were indicted in
May by the tribunal. Earlier indictments, issued following the 1992-1995
Bosnian war, named Radovan Karadzic and Gen. Ratko Mladic, wartime
civilian and military leaders of the Bosnian Serbs.

The $5 million offer, Rubin said, "is intended to increase the prospects that
indictees who are currently at large will be transferred to the custody of the
tribunal for trial. In all, he said, there are "a couple of dozen" indictees.

The reward "applies to persons indicted by the tribunal or who may be
indicted in the future for war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia," he
said.

Atrocity sites 'popping up every day'

In western Kosovo, FBI investigators were investigating two suspected
massacre sites named in the war crimes indictment of Milosevic.

The U.S. ambassador-at-large for war crimes issues, David Scheffer, said
their work in the town of Djakovica would be vital to uncovering evidence
Serbs tried to hide or destroy.

He told reporters the Serb army and
the military police "violated so many
different laws of war that they were
almost the perfect model of how not to
conduct warfare."

"There's a profusion of atrocity sites
throughout Kosovo," Scheffer said.
"They are popping up every day."

The FBI team is working inside a
house in Djakovica where war crimes prosecutors assert that on April 2 a
total of 20 people -- women and children -- were herded and shot by Serb
troops bent on ridding Kosovo of ethnic Albanians.

The troops then allegedly burned the house and the corpses.

The FBI will also excavate a nearby site where prosecutors allege six ethnic
Albanian men were executed and buried in March.

The agency said it would take about a week to photograph human remains,
catalog the scene and take samples they hope will be used in prosecutions
for alleged war crimes.

Villagers say the 26 deaths under investigation in Djakovica are just part of
the story. Residents there have come forward with "400 or 500 names of
men who remain missing and whose fate is utterly unknown," Scheffer said.

Yugoslavia denies allegations

FBI Director Louis Freeh has called Kosovo "one of the largest crime
scenes in history."

In Belgrade, the Yugoslav government Thursday rejected charges of war
crimes as "propaganda," and blamed others for the deaths.

"Most of the killings are done by the (Kosovo Liberation Army) and by
NATO aggression," Goran Matic, minister without portfolio in the Yugoslav
federal government, told CNN.

"Investigation is necessary," he said, "but not by the Hague Tribunal which is
a political tribunal. It is a political arm of the United States
administration to
prosecute the people it doesn't like."

Most of what the tribunal has alleged is "propaganda," he said.

Correspondent Christiane Amanpour contributed to this report.

Some time ago I made a posting about a man in Djakovica who made a list of all the people he had to bury by the Serbs. What follows is another piece of his story, together with one of a psychiatrist who stayed behind during the war.

---

The Independent of London, 6-24-99

Liberation of Kosovo - 'We saw, what
they did here. And now we'll tell'

By Raymond Whitaker in Djakovica

"I AM a psychiatrist," said Mentor
Rruka. "I thought I knew the limits of
human insanity. But what I saw one man
do to another during the past few weeks
goes beyond anything I was ever trained
for."

"I am not ashamed," said Faton
Polloshka, Djakovica's director of
public works. "During the war I did my
job for the sake of my people. It was
terrible to see all those bodies, but
someone had to bury them."

Dr Rruka, 39, is tall, fluent in
English, and elegantly dressed. Mr
Polloshka, 46, is short and round,
unshaven and matter-of-fact. But they
have two things in common: both are
Albanians and both remained at their
posts while hundreds of thousands from
their community fled, hid or were
killed during the two and a half months
of Serbian terror in Kosovo.

Djakovica, once a pretty town with
stone bridges, a picturesque old
quarter and a 500-year-old Ottoman
mosque, was never a place where
Albanians could be totally excluded
from senior public posts, as they were
almost everywhere else in the Serbian
province.

Fewer Serbs lived there - only 1 per
cent of the pre-1990 population of
70,000 - than in any other urban area
in Kosovo. If the Serbian authorities
wanted Djakovica to keep running, they
had to rely on people such as Dr Rruka
and Mr Polloshka, even while they were
trying to purge the province of other
ethnic Albanians.

Dr Rruka, who trained as a psychiatrist
in Sarajevo with Radovan Karadzic, the
Bosnian Serb leader and indicted war
criminal - "a disgrace to our
profession" - never left the town's
main hospital for more than a few
minutes at a time during the war.

Since psychiatric work was rarely
possible, he dealt with emergencies as
well as helping his wife, Merita, an
obstetrician and gynaecologist. Mr
Polloshka, by contrast, was almost the
only Albanian able to move around
Djakovica with impunity: as the man
whose municipal responsibilities
included the graveyard, he was ordered
by the Serbs to pick up the bodies of
their victims.

The first of these was a distinguished
colleague of Dr Rruka's, a physician
called Izet Hima. On 25 March, the
morning after the start of Nato's
bombing campaign, Mr Polloshka was
given a slip of paper with Dr Hima's
address. He found the physician's body
in front of his smouldering home, 14
hours after a Serbian death squad had
shot him and set the house ablaze. Over
the next two and half months he would
collect some 200 Albanian bodies -
businessmen, labourers, mothers, babies
- who had been shot, beaten to death or
burnt alive. He kept a list of all of
them, with as many personal details as
he could. "The war crimes investigators
are coming to see me next week, and I
will give them everything I have," he
said.

Dr Rruka knew almost immediately about
the Nato bombing - the hospital stood
next to Djakovica's military barracks,
one of the largest in western Kosovo,
which was hit on the first night and on
14 other occasions during the campaign.
"Nato was incredibly accurate," he
said. "Not once was there serious
collateral damage."

Most of the patients were Serb
civilians. Uniformed casualties were
supposed to go to the military
hospital, although some were brought to
the civilian facility, and few Albanian
men of fighting age dared to seek
medical treatment at a Serb-run
institution. Throughout the war Dr
Rruka was delivering Serb babies and
treating Serb victims of road
accidents, as well as dealing with the
Serb policemen or soldiers. "I was
helping one paramilitary with a broken
femur, and I remember wondering whether
he had killed any of my people," he
said. "But medical ethics governed me.

"It couldn't help but affect your work,
however. If you decided you had to
amputate, you would make sure the
Serbian medical director was consulted,
so that the man's comrades couldn't
accuse you of trying to mutilate him."

On another occasion, while Dr Rruka was
treating an injured Serbian child, he
was threatened by a policeman. "He told
me: 'Take care what happens to this
child. If anything goes wrong, you are
all dead'. But I didn't hold it against
him."

The paths of the doctor and the chief
gravedigger crossed only once, when an
82-year-old Albanian man was brought to
the hospital. "He had been beaten so
badly with his own walking stick that
he was in a coma for three days," said
Dr Rruka. "Somebody called Polloshka's
men. But when they came they found
signs of life, and we kept the old man
in hospital. He died a day or two
later, though."

Mr Polloshka had plenty of other work.
In the first week of Nato bombing, his
crew collected more than 100 bodies
from homes, shops and the streets, many
of them killed by a drunken Serb
policeman who led a convoy of killers.
Random murders kept the gravediggers
busy until the second week of May. By
this time the Serbs were suffering
heavy casualties in fighting with
Kosovo Liberation Army forces from
nearby Albania, and Dr Rruka was seeing
cases of battle fatigue and
self-wounding by Serbian soldiers who
wanted to escape combat. Serbian
policemen and reservists took their
revenge on the prosperous Chabat
district of Djakovica, killing 58
people, according to Mr Polloshka's
reckoning. Among them were three
members of Merita Rruka's family, burnt
to death in their home.

By the final week of the war the
municipal official had gone into
hiding, fearing that the Serbs might
kill him to stop him telling what he
knew. Medical records were taken away
to Serbia; his home was raided three
times and his papers confiscated. From
the hospital, as the town waited for
the arrival of Italian troops from
Nato, Dr Rruka counted 15 giant
conflagrations as the Serbs went on a
final orgy of burning and looting. "I
feared for my family, but they stopped
just short of us."

Now Djakovica is at peace, and both the
doctor and the official are reacting
according to type. "There is a new
Albanian administration, and if we get
enough money from the European Union
and America we can get everything
working again in about a year," said
the ever-practical Mr Polloshka.
"People cannot yet come to terms with
their trauma," said Dr Rruka. "As a
psychiatrist, my work is only just
beginning."

Serbs Shun Discussion Of Atrocities

By Michael Dobbs
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, June 24, 1999; Page A01

BELGRADE, June 23—Determined to circumvent the information
blockade over what was happening to ethnic Albanians in Kosovo,
Serbian human rights activist Natasha Kandic decided to mount her own
one-woman investigation. Last month, she traveled to the town of Pec in
western Kosovo, scene of some of the cruelest atrocities reported there,
and found evidence of a grave containing the bodies of 44 ethnic
Albanians.

When she returned to Belgrade and tried to describe what she had seen,
few people were interested. Her neighbors and friends preferred to talk
about the disruption to water and electrical service caused by NATO
bombing. Newspapers and newsmagazines normally critical of Yugoslav
President Slobodan Milosevic refused to publish her eyewitness report
from Kosovo.

"When I tried to talk about what I had seen and experienced, people
would get impatient and change the subject," said Kandic, who heads the
privately funded Humanitarian Law Fund in Belgrade. "It's as if people
here simply don't want to know the truth about what happened in Kosovo.
Even the intellectuals are under the influence of official propaganda."

Over the last two weeks, as foreign reporters have finally gained access to
the killing fields of Kosovo, television viewers and newspaper readers all
over the world have been given horrifying accounts of the violence
committed by Yugoslav and Serbian forces on the ethnic Albanian
population. But here in Serbia, there has been little public discussion of
atrocities and no substantive reporting on the subject by the heavily
censored news media.

An opinion poll published last week in the Belgrade newsmagazine Nin
reported that 64 percent of Serbs do not believe reports in Western news
media of atrocities by Serb-led government forces against ethnic Albanians
in Kosovo, a province of Serbia. Just over 14 percent of the population
believes that atrocities were committed, while 15 percent think that the
allegations may be partially true.

"It's all propaganda," said Tomislav Zekic, a political science student out
for a walk with his family in Belgrade. "Your TV is as bad as our TV."
After dismissing the talk of Serbian atrocities as the product of Western
media manipulation, he added that he came from Kosovo and that, in his
view, "the only good Albanian is a dead Albanian."

Even those Serbs who are inclined to believe many of the accusations
leveled against government security forces in Kosovo tend to search for
exculpation, such as the argument that dirty things happen in war and all
sides are guilty. They find it difficult to draw a moral distinction between
Serbian militiamen machine-gunning a column of ethnic Albanian refugees
during an attack on separatist rebels in the province and NATO's dropping
bombs on Serbian civilians during an effort to destroy Milosevic's
war-making capacity.

"If these things really happened in Kosovo, then our leaders are criminals,"
said Vladen Videnovic, 17, a student in the southern Serbian city of Nis.
"But Milosevic is not the only one who is guilty; Clinton also deserves to be
put on trial."

Nis was the scene of cluster-bomb attacks by NATO warplanes on May
7 and May 12 that killed 15 people in the center of the city, including a
27-year-old woman named Ljiljana Spasic who was in her seventh month
of pregnancy. Composed of hundreds of bomblets that drop to the ground
in miniature parachutes, cluster bombs are designed to kill as many people
as possible and are usually used against troop concentrations.

City officials argue that the use of such bombs in broad daylight against
civilians was a deliberate attempt by NATO to terrorize the population of
Nis and thus increase the political pressure on Milosevic to agree to
Western demands over Kosovo. NATO spokesmen insist that the attack
on the city center was a mistake and that the real target was the airport,
several miles away.

Nis Mayor Zovan Zivkovic is a leader of the opposition Democratic Party
and a longtime opponent of Milosevic. He says he is revolted by the stories
coming out of Kosovo about Serbian atrocities, "but as the mayor of Nis I
am even more concerned by the suffering that NATO caused to the people
of this town."

Such views are fairly widespread here, even among Serbs otherwise
sympathetic to the West. "The West is guilty of double standards," said
Rada Djordjevic, a Belgrade physicist, who declared she could no longer
bear to watch satellite broadcasts of CNN and Britain's Sky News. "You
choose one side in a conflict and look on them as good guys and conclude
that everybody else must be bad guys. But that is not how it is in real life.
In real life, there are good guys and bad guys on both sides."

The Belgrade government has ridiculed Western allegations that up to
10,000 Kosovo Albanian civilians might have been killed by Serbian and
Yugoslav forces and accused Western leaders of using the atrocity stories
as a pretext for military intervention. Recently, however, there have been
signs that the government here is preparing to distance itself from the
bloodletting by making a public example of "rogue" soldiers and police
officers who "went crazy" and killed civilians.

"These people have been arrested and will be convicted by the courts,"
said Goran Matic, a Yugoslav government minister close to Milosevic, in
an interview here today. "They do not belong to the Serbian nation but to
the nation of criminals." He added that every Yugoslav soldier in Kosovo
carried a booklet on "humanitarian law and the rules of war."

Kandic, who has made several trips to Kosovo, attributes the lack of
public discussion about war atrocities to lack of information, heavy
censorship of the news media and the poisonous influence of the official
media, notably state television. "Serbs are just like any other people who
have been subjected to a very efficient propaganda," she said.

Other human rights activists believe that there are other factors at work,
including a long rivalry between Serbs and ethnic Albanians in Kosovo and
a national callousness born of years of deprivation and isolation. "Serbs are
an unsentimental people," said Vesna Petrovic of the Belgrade Center for
Human Rights. "We do not care about ourselves, let alone others." She
adds that many Serbs, even intellectuals, have a "racist" attitude toward
Albanians.

"It took Germany 25 years to come to terms with what they did in World
War II. It is going to take us at least that amount of time to examine our
actions in Kosovo, Bosnia and other places," Petrovic said.

In theory, the lifting of wartime restrictions later this week will make it
possible for the independent news media to report in much more detail
about the atrocities in Kosovo than has been possible until now. In
practice, however, editors are likely to be very cautious in their treatment
of such a controversial subject.

"We must be very cool-headed about this and not allow ourselves to be
carried away by emotions," said Filip Svarm, managing editor of the
independent weekly Vreme, which is supported by Western democracy
advocates, including the Soros Foundation. "I have no doubt that there are
a lot of mass graves there, but I also think that part of the responsibility
lies
with [ethnic Albanian separatist guerrillas]. If we get the details wrong,
there will be people here who are only too happy to cast doubt on
everything and say 'Look, they are blaming the Serbs for everything.' "


© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company

Uneducated Kosvar Albanians??????

---

Hospital Mirrors Kosovo Divide

By Donna Bryson
Associated Press Writer
Wednesday, June 23, 1999; 4:14 a.m. EDT

PRISTINA, Yugoslavia (AP) -- Ethnic Albanian doctors at Pristina's main
hospital passed around ginger snaps and talked about what they've been
doing since they were forced from the staff.

No Serb doctors shared the stories or the morning snack.

``None of the Serbs here talk to me,'' cardiologist Kelmend Pallaska said
Tuesday. He was on his second day back at the hospital, among a handful
of ethnic Albanians who have reclaimed their posts since NATO-led
peacekeepers began patrolling Kosovo just over a week ago.

The U.N. peace plan envisions a day when Serbs, Albanians and other
ethnic groups work and live together in a democratic Kosovo. That day is
far off, judging from the tensions evident at the 2,400-bed, 750-doctor
Pristina University Hospital.

``The hospital is a perfect example of the problem of Kosovo,'' said chief
of surgery Dr. A. Tomanovic, a Serb born 62 years ago in Kosovo who
would not give his first name.

``It's ethnic intolerance. Not of all, but of just a few. We have Albanians
who are willing to work with us. Others are radicals. There are also Serb
radicals, but now Albanians have won, so you will see more Albanian
radicalism,'' he said.

In the most recent explosion of centuries of hostility, Serb-controlled
Yugoslav forces are accused of trying to rid Kosovo of its ethnic Albanian
majority. A NATO bombing campaign pressured Yugoslavia into signing
a U.N. peace deal under which it withdrew its forces from Kosovo.

After more than two months as a refugee in neighboring Macedonia,
Pallaska returned to his examination room at the hospital Sunday to find
his door had been jimmied open and his files and stocks of medicine
stolen. He settled in to work nonetheless, casual in jeans and a white
smock Tuesday as he ran his stethoscope over the back of an elderly
patient in for a checkup.

The last time he had been in the hospital was March 30. That day, a Serb
colleague told him he was on a hit list because he was suspected of
planting devices at the hospital that would allow NATO bombers to find
their targets.

He had no explanation for the accusation. But he fled immediately, even
though authorities had warned doctors and others providing essential
services that they risked dismissal and jail if they left their posts.

His father and mother drove him to the border, where they found
Macedonian guards had closed the gate. They weren't allowed to cross
for four days.

Pallaska crouched in the back seat out of sight of Serb paramilitary troops
who were pulling people from their cars to beat and rob them. He was
confident they would not target a car apparently occupied by only an
elderly man and woman.

``I started to smoke then,'' he said, apologizing because a cardiologist
should know better and pulling a pack from his pocket.

Pallaska joined International Medical Corps doctors caring for refugees in
Macedonia and continued working with them when he first returned to
Kosovo 10 days ago. He said he did not expect to be able to return to
Pristina University Hospital, which remains controlled by Serbs. But he
came back at the insistence of former patients.

Rumors are rampant in Pristina that armed members of the separatist
Kosovo Liberation Army have forced the hospital to open its doors to
Albanian doctors. KLA officials say they merely mediated, and Serbs and
Albanians at the hospital say no force was involved.

``Albanians have lost faith in the Serb doctors. People in Pristina are
begging us, `Please go back to work.' My people are forcing me to come
back and work, not the KLA,'' Pallaska said.

Doctors like Pallaska who fled during the two months of NATO bombing
returned to the hospital under an agreement worked out with the help of
the World Health Organization. Negotiations continue for the return of
Albanians dismissed from the hospital a decade ago and replaced by Serb
doctors.

Tomanovic, who rose to his position as surgical chief after the Albanian
dismissals in 1989 and 1990, said Albanians left because they would not
accept the authority of Serbia, the Yugoslav province that Kosovo
belongs to.

Albanian doctors like kidney specialist Ymer Elezi say they were forced
out because of their ethnicity. He has practiced at a private clinic in
Pristina for the last decade.

Whatever the reason for the 1989 and 1990 dismissals, a hospital that,
like the region, was majority Albanian became dominated by Serbs.

Serbs now fear no place will be left for them at the hospital. Tomanovic
said about half his staff of 520 doctors and nurses had left.

``Serbs don't see a future here,'' Tomanovic said. ``I'm here, for the
moment. But I don't know for sure whether I'll stay.''

© Copyright 1999 The Associated Press